Who Legalized the African National Congress

Since the early 1990s, governmental and non-governmental organizations have significantly expanded their peacebuilding activities in the wake of international and national wars. The work goes beyond humanitarian and reconstruction assistance to include institution-building and reconciliation assistance. Such assistance is often crucial to making fair and sustainable arrangements. The ANC`s official justification for launching the armed struggle – that it was an inevitable and unanimous response to increasing state repression – has since been complicated by historians. [24] [4] In particular, some have argued that some groups within the ANC supported a strategy of armed resistance in the years leading up to Sharpeville, for a variety of reasons – notably to improve the ANC`s international standing and meet the demands of some of its constituents – and have controversially argued that the ANC chairman, Luthuli, indeed, was firmly opposed to the use of force. [3] [26] [27] Numerous discussion papers were prepared, hearings were held on various policy and regulatory issues, and a number of position papers were produced. Since 1994, the IBA has licensed six former SABC regional radio stations to the private sector, and eight other private radio licences have been granted. A national free-to-air terrestrial television service and a religious community television service have also been authorized. In addition, more than 100 community radio licences have been issued. The licensing process for community channels has been complicated by the fact that they obtained one-year licences for four consecutive years before the four-year licences were granted. Laws and regulations require a lengthy, transparent and time-consuming process and full consultation before each licence is granted. In addition, two licences were granted for the distribution of broadcast signals.

The creation of a regulatory framework and the licensing of new private services have also led to international investment in the South African broadcasting environment. However, limiting foreign ownership to 20% has been criticized as discouraging foreign investors who want more control. Ownership and control of the media, especially electronic media, is a hotly contested political terrain. Media transformation has been slow and the black majority, a high percentage of whom are illiterate, rely on electronic media, especially radio, for news and information. Therefore, the way messages and information are conveyed to which remains a sensitive, emotional and controversial issue. At the national level, the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) published an experimental tribunal after the civil war in the 1990s that raised international awareness of restorative justice. This national experience involved restorative justice to weave their broken society and discredited the government to evolve towards a more just and democratic society. Party politicians earn a place in parliament by being on the party`s list, which is drawn up before the elections and lists the party`s favorite MPs. The number of seats allocated is proportional to the national referendum that determines the cut-off point. Political violence in South Africa, often involving ANC supporters, had intensified in the 1980s.

The campaign to make the townships “ungovernable”, which played an important role in increasing internal pressure on the regime to enter into negotiations, also led to the rise of local militias (so-called self-defence units and self-defence units) and puppet courts. Pro-ANC groups sometimes executed opponents and suspected collaborators, often with collars. [61] [62] There were also violent clashes, particularly in the Transvaal and Natal, between groups allied with Inkatha and groups allied with the ANC or UDF, which in turn was allied with the ANC. [63] However, it is questionable what control the ANC exercised over its supporters in South Africa in the 1980s. [2] [64] One historian argues that when Tambo encouraged South Africans to make the country “ungovernable,” he was “trying to put the ANC at the head of a social revolution [already] underway.” [5] On the practice of collars, which has been condemned internationally, ANC Secretary General Alfred Nzo said in 1986: “Whichever people decides to eliminate these hostile elements, it is their decision. If they choose necklaces, we support that. [5] Thus, from 1950 onwards, the ANC began to participate more coherently in mass actions. In 1950, under Moroka, the ANC supported a May Day known as “People`s Day,” which resulted in the deaths of 18 people in clashes between protesters and police.

However, the ANC`s support for absenteeism was not unanimous – the Youth League, in particular, feared that the socialist or internationalist connotations of May Day were at odds with the Africanist position of the Programme of Action. [15] There was wider support for the “Day of Protest,” a home visit on June 26, 1950, organized with the Indian Congress to protest the May Day shooting and legislation to suppress communism. [15] The imposition of formal apartheid from 1948 onwards revived internal opposition within the government and national and international support for what was increasingly seen as part of the broader anti-colonial struggle in Africa.